HEALTHWATCH
HIV/AIDS
The ADAP Funding Crisis
Since 1996, the Aids Drug Assistance
Program (ADAP) has provided low-income individuals
living with HIV/AIDS the prescriptions they need,
serving as the final safety net for Americans
who have no other means of obtaining these life-saving
medications. Unfortunately, after years of funding
shortfalls, the program is facing a crisis. An
increase of $303 million in federal funding is
needed in FY2006 for ADAPs to maintain fiscal
solvency and to meet the ever-growing demands
of new clients seeking to enroll. Ensuring the
continued success of ADAP is crucial: this lack
of funding threatens public health by leaving
thousands of HIV positive individuals without
the drugs they need for survival, and undermines
incentives to learn one’s status and thus
contain the spread of the disease.
What Are ADAPs?
Part of Title II of the Ryan
White Comprehensive AIDS Resource Emergency (CARE)
Act, AIDS Drug Assistance Programs (ADAPs) are
federally funded state-run programs that provide
HIV medication and treatment to low income people.
All fifty states, the District of Columbia, and
several territories offer ADAPs, and programs
vary greatly. Each state determines its own eligibility
requirements; some require that individuals have
certain CD4 counts (the CD4 count is often used
as a measure of the health of a person's immune
system), while others determine eligibility based
on income.
Without ADAP coverage, many
low income individuals simply cannot afford treatment.
They cannot rely on Medicaid because current guidelines
only allow treatment for those with full-blown
AIDS, and treatment costs can run tens of thousands
of dollars a year. Without access to ADAP services,
vulnerable people with HIV are forced to wait
until they are sick and disabled in order to qualify
for Medicaid and receive access to the comprehensive
HIV/AIDS treatment that could have prevented their
progression to clinical AIDS. Such a policy is
both inhumane and financially unwise. It is estimated
that in FY2006 the annual per-patient costs for
adequate HIV disease treatment under ADAP (including
combination antiretroviral therapy and treatment
for HIV related co-infections, opportunistic infections,
etc.) will average less than $12,500. By contrast,
Medicaid costs for treating for a person with
late-stage AIDS begin at between 3 to 5 times
that amount.
ADAPs Need More Funding
Congress needs to fund ADAPs
more adequately. Many state ADAP programs face
serious shortfalls because of increased demand
and budget constraints. In 2004 ADAPs served over
136,000 low income HIV positive individuals each
year, and 25,000-45,000 new patients are expected
to seek treatment between 2005 and 2007. The increased
demand comes from a combination of newly discovered
infections, successful treatments extending patients’
lives, and changes in state budgets. States facing
budget deficits make cuts to their Medicaid programs,
and thus the ADAPs, as safety net programs, pick
up individuals that are impacted by Medicaid restrictions,
thus putting greater demands on the ADAP programs.
Next year, some experts say another $100 million
is required to keep ADAP functioning at minimum
levels.
It's hard to get consensus
on the numbers, but everyone agrees there is a
serious problem with shortfalls. Alone, these
numbers may mean very little, but the shortfalls
are affecting real people in a number of ways.
North Carolina's ADAP is illustrative
of the problems that the budget shortfalls are
causing. It, along with at least eleven other
states, had to cap enrollment and put hundreds
of low income HIV positive people on a waiting
list for medication and treatment. The Wall Street
Journal recently reported on the rollercoaster
of emotions that North Carolina's cap has meant
for some people. Clarence Coe, a Fayetteville,
N.C. construction worker, started on HIV treatment
while in prison only to see his treatment come
to an abrupt end when he was released. North Carolina's
ADAP had just stopped accepting applicants so
Coe had to apply to drug company charity programs
and wait several months before he received the
correct combination of drugs needed to resume
treatment. Instead of being able to focus on staying
healthy, Coe worried about how he would get the
medication to keep him healthy.
Like other states, North Carolina
had to cap its ADAP enrollment because under-funding
left it unable to provide effective treatment
to every deserving applicant. Instead of providing
marginally effective treatment to all applicants,
North Carolina made the difficult choice of providing
excellent treatment to some applicants, while
leaving others on a waiting list. This impossible
choice has left some patients receiving the latest
HIV fighting drugs, including Fuzeon, while others
like Coe receive no state help.
In an attempt to remedy the
situation, on June 23, 2004, President Bush announced
immediate availability of $20 million in one-time
funding outside of ADAP, to provide medications
to people on ADAP waiting lists in 10 states.
Funding for ADAP in FY2005 did not address continuation
of this separate program and it is unclear how
states will transition clients into their ADAPs
when the program expires. If funding is not sufficiently
increased to at least cover these new patients,
the results could be tragic. As of now, President
Bush is recommending an increase of only $10 million
for FY2006.
Inadequate ADAP funding has
forced people like Clarence Coe to take drugs
and abruptly stop them, increasing the likelihood
that their HIV will become drug resistant. HIV
drug resistance is a menacing problem that requires
the continual development of new drugs. Sometimes
new drug advances do not keep pace with drug resistant
strains of HIV, leaving some cases of HIV untreatable.
Better ADAP funding should cut down on this problem.
In some states, ADAP funding
shortfalls have forced both enrollment caps and
reduced treatment offerings. For example, Colorado's
ADAP has, in the past, capped with a waiting list,
and those HIV positive individuals lucky enough
to be part of the program only have access to
a few covered medications. While the Colorado
ADAP does cover protease inhibitors (a common
HIV treatment regimen), it does not cover Fuzeon
(the latest HIV-fighting drug, which can combat
even drug resistant strains of HIV). It also does
not cover any drugs to combat opportunistic infections
(infections common only in individuals with HIV
or some other problem in their immune system).
Inadequate ADAP funding and
its effects also endanger other important public
health objectives. Every year, states and the
federal government spend millions of dollars urging
people to get tested and find out their HIV status.
Public health campaigns assure HIV positive people
that medicines exist to help them stay healthy.
However, if ADAPs cannot help low income individuals
get necessary HIV drugs, they have no incentive
to get tested. Some people will not care to find
out their HIV status because they cannot do anything
about it even if they are positive. Unaware of
their HIV status, they are more likely to infect
others.
Other ADAP Funding Problems
ADAP faces other funding problems
as well. First, the federal government distributes
ADAP funds to states based on their estimated
number of people living with AIDS. This figure
fails to account for how many of those people
are actually low income and require ADAP services.
Consequently, states with high populations of
people living with AIDS, but low poverty levels
receive more funds than they need, while states
with lower populations of people living with AIDS
but high poverty levels receive far too little.
Recent studies indicate that HIV/AIDS infection
rates are on the rise most in rural and suburban
areas, and that the most impacted populations
are now ethnic minorities. To account for these
demographic changes, ADAP funding should adapt,
moving beyond urban population centers to more
appropriately disburse funds to where they are
most needed. The ADAP funding formula also fails
to take into account the number of low income
HIV positive individuals who have not yet developed
AIDS. This number is significant because a sizeable
number of the clients ADAPs serve have not yet
developed AIDS. Problems with the ADAP funding
formula contribute to the need for caps and cutbacks
that some ADAPs implement.
We Must Solve the ADAP Funding
Crisis Now
Without question, the shortfall
in ADAP funding is having a detrimental effect
on a large number of low income HIV positive individuals.
While a few are receiving excellent treatment,
some are eligible only for outmoded drugs, and
others are left to wait on lists to receive any
treatment at all. Right now, some HIV positive
individuals must start, abruptly stop, and then
restart a treatment regimen, increasing the likelihood
of drug resistance. The current situation is nerve-wracking
for HIV positive individuals, bad for their health,
and dangerous to public health.
When Congress reviews the CARE
Act later this year, it should seriously consider
retooling the act to meet current needs. It should
eliminate less vital services to free up funds
for drugs and treatment, and look hard at ways
to redistribute funding to non-traditional areas.
Ultimately, it is probably
preferable that Medicaid handle the treatment
needs of low income people with HIV. After all,
the CARE Act was never meant to serve as a primary
provider of HIV treatment. The Early Treatment
for HIV Act (ETHA), currently pending in Congress,
would allow Medicaid to assume the role of primary
provider.
In the mean time, the $10 million
increase in ADAP funding proposed by the Bush
Administration for FY 2006 is insufficient. There
is some debate about how much money will solve
this problem however experts estimate that $303
million for FY 2006 would alleviate the problem.
The price tag is small considering the tens of
thousands of people who depend on the life-saving
benefits provided by ADAPs.
A longer term solution for
the ADAP problem needs to be found as the Ryan
White Care Act is reauthorized by Congress this
year. The problem is that an across the board
increase in ADAP funds will provide too much money
for some states. However, without enough of an
increase, more states will develop waiting lists.
During reauthorization, the ADAP program must
be reformed in such a way that provides more help
for distressed states without providing too much
money for those states that already receive sufficient
funding for ADAP. Thousands of people depend on
this life-saving program. The challenge is to
reform it in such a way that allows more balanced
funding for individual states based on their unique
challenges.
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